Shanghai Cooperation Organisation Summit in Tianjin: China, Russia, and India Redraw the Map of a Post-Imperialist World

9 September 2025

Narendra-Modi-with-Chinese-President-Xi-Jinping-his-wife-Peng-Liyuan-Russian-President-Vladimir-Putin-and-other-SCO-leaders.jpg

By Mafa Kwanisai Mafa

Western headlines have tried to reduce the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit in Tianjin to a spectacle of handshakes, smiles, and photographs.

To them, the meeting of China’s President Xi Jinping, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin, and India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi was little more than “optics” aimed at rattling Washington and its allies.

Yet such dismissive interpretations betray a blindness typical of imperialist analysis: the inability to grasp that history is shifting, that multipolarity is rising, and that the Global South is reasserting itself against centuries of domination.

What took place in Tianjin was not a hollow show. It was a profound re-articulation of the future. While cracks and contradictions exist between China, Russia, and India, their dialogue within the SCO framework signals the construction of a new order, one that seeks to bury Western unipolarity and replace it with cooperative sovereignty.

Africa, long a victim of colonialism and neo-colonial manipulation, should watch closely. The lessons and opportunities flowing from this triangle of Eurasian giants are not remote to Africa’s fate; they are central to it.

Beyond Trump, Beyond the U.S.

It is convenient for Western media to suggest that the SCO summit was simply a knee-jerk response to Donald Trump’s tariffs and America’s erratic foreign policy. That view not only trivializes the agency of China, India, and Russia, but it also ignores the deeper structural realities driving their engagement.

US President Donald Trump with Ukraine’s President, Volodymyr Zelensky

China, through the Belt and Road Initiative, has positioned itself as the backbone of global South-South cooperation. Russia, though under siege from NATO’s war in Ukraine and sanctions, has found new life by aligning itself more closely with Beijing and deepening relations across Eurasia.

India, though often dancing cautiously between Washington and Moscow, understands that its survival in an unstable region demands a balanced engagement with both Russia and China. For all three, the need to resist U.S. hegemonism is not a tactical response to one man in the White House; it is a long-term strategic imperative.

Russia and India: A Partnership Under Pressure

The Russia–India relationship has deep historical roots. Moscow supplied arms and technology during India’s formative years, and New Delhi has long valued Russian friendship as a stabilizing force.

Yet frictions have emerged. Russia bristles at India’s growing closeness to Washington, especially through the Quad (with the U.S., Japan, and Australia), which Moscow rightly sees as part of the Western containment strategy against China.

India, meanwhile, worries about Russia drifting too deeply into Beijing’s orbit. For New Delhi, a Russia completely dependent on China could reduce India’s leverage across Eurasia. Moscow’s recent openness to Islamabad, including support for Pakistan’s entry into BRICS, has only heightened Indian anxieties.

India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi with Russia’s President Vladimir Putin

Yet here lies the paradox: India cannot afford to abandon Russia. Energy imports, defense cooperation, and Eurasian diplomacy all compel New Delhi to keep the partnership alive. In turn, Russia sees India as a vital balancer in Asia, neither fully aligned with Washington nor wholly subservient to Beijing.

China and Russia: Uneasy Symbiosis, Stronger Than Ever

China and Russia are bound together by necessity and strategy. Both reject Western unipolarity; both have been targeted by sanctions, propaganda, and military encirclement. The war in Ukraine has driven Russia even deeper into China’s embrace.

Yet frictions exist.

Beijing is not thrilled about Moscow’s increasingly bold engagement with North Korea, including a 2024 treaty pledging military assistance. Russia is wary of the economic asymmetry between itself and China, knowing full well that in trade, finance, and technology, Beijing is the senior partner.

Central Asia, once Russia’s uncontested sphere, is now tilting heavily toward Chinese influence through trade corridors and infrastructure investments.

Leaders of Russia and China, Vladimir Putin and Xi Jinping, shake hands

But despite these irritants, the strategic understanding remains clear: China and Russia need each other. The SCO summit showed that, despite the occasional elbowing, Beijing and Moscow stand united in confronting Western hegemony.

India and China: The Asymmetry That Shapes Asia

The sharpest fault line in Tianjin lies between India and China. Their relationship is marked by historical wounds from the 1962 border war to the bloody clashes in Ladakh in 2020. Even today, tens of thousands of troops remain forward deployed, and direct flights between the two countries are suspended.

Yet pragmatism is slowly reasserting itself. Modi and Xi began cautious re-engagement in Kazan in 2024, followed by Foreign Minister Wang Yi’s visit to Delhi in 2025, which announced new mechanisms for boundary dialogue and economic exchange.

Both countries know that continued hostility serves only Washington, which has sought to weaponize India as a counterweight to China in its “Indo-Pacific” strategy.

Modi and Xi seal friendship with a handshake

The asymmetry is real. China’s economy dwarfs India’s, and Beijing’s global clout far exceeds New Delhi’s. Yet both sides also understand that coexistence is a strategic necessity. Multipolarity in Asia cannot survive if two of its greatest civilizational powers remain locked in endless conflict.

Africa’s Stake in the SCO Triangle

Why should Africa care about the cautious dance of China, Russia, and India? Because Africa has long been the testing ground for imperial strategies, and it now stands at the crossroads of multipolar opportunity.

The West still seeks to control Africa through military bases, resource plunder, and debt traps imposed by Bretton Woods institutions. Japan’s hollow pledges at TICAD9 or Washington’s endless lectures about “democracy” are tools of neo-colonial manipulation.

In contrast, China’s BRI projects, Russia’s support for energy and security, and India’s growing investment in technology and pharmaceuticals all offer Africa pathways to escape dependency.

The SCO’s expansion to include observers and dialogue partners from Africa is not incidental. It reflects recognition that Africa, with its 1.4 billion people and vast resources, is central to the fight for a multipolar world. The Tianjin summit was a reminder that Africa’s liberation is inseparable from the struggles of Asia and Eurasia.

Lessons for Africa: Unity, Vigilance, Sovereignty

The SCO dynamics carry three key lessons for Africa. Just as China, Russia, and India manage contradictions while pursuing common ground, African nations must overcome intra-continental rivalries and unite around shared sovereignty.

Sovereignty comes from self-determination. China’s refusal to be lectured by Washington, Russia’s defiance of NATO, and India’s balancing act all demonstrate the importance of charting independent paths.

Africa’s leaders

Africa must resist being pulled into Western proxy games and instead deepen its integration with BRICS, SCO, and South-South frameworks.

Multipolarity vs. Imperial Illusions

The SCO summit should not be read through the narrow lens of “optics” aimed at Trump or the U.S. It should be read as part of a longer arc of history. The unipolar moment of Western supremacy is fading. In its place, a complex, contested, but liberating multipolarity is emerging.

China stands at the centre of this transformation not as a conqueror, but as a partner. Its vision of a “community of shared future for mankind” resonates with Africa’s call for Pan-Africanism and sovereignty.

Russia, despite its internal challenges, remains a bulwark against NATO aggression. India, though hesitant, knows it cannot secure its destiny by being Washington’s pawn.

For Africa, the message is clear: the future will not be written in Washington, Brussels, or Tokyo. It will be written in Beijing, Moscow, Delhi, and yes, in Johannesburg, Harare, Addis Ababa, and Dakar.

A World Redrawn in Tianjin

The SCO summit in Tianjin was more than handshakes. It was the meeting of civilizational giants sketching the contours of a new world. Yes, contradictions remain, border disputes, asymmetries of power, competing spheres of influence.

But these are the manageable contradictions of sovereign nations, not the irreconcilable violence of imperial domination.

For Africa, the lesson is simple: align with the forces building multipolarity, not those clinging to imperial illusions. Africa’s struggle against colonialism was never just about ending European rule; it was about securing a seat at the table of world history.

That seat will not be given by Tokyo or Washington; it must be claimed through solidarity with Beijing, Moscow, and those who resist imperial arrogance. The world is changing, and Tianjin was a milestone on that road.

For Africa, the task is clear: learn, unite, and march with the rising tide of history.

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