Who governs the AU? Controversy over the AUC Chairperson’s “Super-Commissioner”

16 October 2026

Article first published in The Botswana Guardian*

The appointment of Fathallah Sijilmassi as Special Envoy for G20 and Global Affairs by AUC Chairperson Mahmoud Ali Youssouf is not simply a personnel matter. It raises a fundamental Pan-African question: can the Commission reshape the Union’s institutional arrangements and structures without the informed agreement of Member States? and what happens when external partners are alleged to have influenced such decisions?

Announced on 18 September 2026, the appointment gives the recently retired AU staff a broad brief covering G20 affairs and global multilateral engagement, including international finance, trade, partnerships, climate action, technology and sustainable development. Africa needs a coherent voice, but its means must respect the Union’s rules and collective authority.

The AU Commission is not a sovereign power in its own right. It exercises authority strictly under the Constitutive Act, applicable regulations, and decisions of AU organs. Member States retain ultimate responsibility for the Union’s direction. A senior envoy cannot acquire “Super-powers” and “Super-mandates” simply by executive decree, nor can a new cross-cutting mandate be treated as a mere administrative detail when it directly impacts other Commissioners and directorates.

The sequence surrounding the appointment warrants explanation. On 11 September, the Commission advertised Sijilmassi’s Director-General post as vacant. On 16 September, concerns were raised at the Permanent Representatives’ Committee (PRC) regarding the necessity, structural implications, and financial basis of the position. Despite assurances that the matter would be reviewed, the appointment was publicly announced on 18 September bypassing the PRC. Consultation is not a post-hoc courtesy; Member States are entitled to examine the legal authority and financing of any new post or structure before it is finalized.

The Commission’s statement that the envoy will operate under the authority of the existing AU G20 Sherpa raises a fundamental question about the purpose of this appointment. If the envoy operates under the existing AU G20 Sherpa, what institutional gap does this position actually fill? Subordinating a new “Super-Commissioner” to an existing structure creates clear operational redundancy. This absence of a clear rationale reinforces concerns that the role was tailored for external interests or a specific diplomat, directly undermining established AU Commissioners and Directorates.

Rather than streamlining AU structures, this decision adds another layer of authority without defining its institutional boundaries. If this is an ad hoc advisory assignment, the Commission must explicitly define its limits. If it is a permanent, resourced office, it requires formal approval from competent AU organs—authority the Chairperson cannot exercise unilaterally.

A further concern demands transparent examination. Reports and observers have suggested that the European Union supported or helped shape the choice, including its terms and remuneration, through funds intended for African purposes. These claims require clarification. If external financing or political encouragement played a decisive role, the implications would extend beyond one appointment. African institutions must remain accountable to African Member States; external partners must not acquire influence over internal appointments through funding arrangements that bypass collective scrutiny.

The timing is equally controversial. Because Sijilmassi reportedly retired on 30 August 2026, his appointment violates AU procurement practice requiring a one-year cooling-off period after reaching the retirement age of 60 before serving in any advisory capacity. The Chairperson of the AUC must publicly disclose the legal basis for this exception, alongside the position’s grade, budget, funding source, and reporting line relative to elected Commissioners.

The envoy’s Moroccan nationality does not itself establish wrongdoing; citizens of every Member State may serve. Nevertheless, observers will scrutinize the appointment in light of Morocco’s interests and reports of the Chairperson appointments of two other Moroccan nationals in high positions in his own Office. Transparent and consistent rules are essential to ensure all member states are treated equally and to prevent any perception of favoritism.

This controversy also tests the direction of the Commission under its new Chairperson. Youssouf began his mandate in February 2025 amid expectations of a balanced approach grounded in law and respect for Member States. Unanswered concerns could weaken confidence and revive past disputes over recruitment and executive discretion.

Effective diplomacy must serve Africa’s collective priorities. The principle is simple: the African Union must be shaped by its Member States, not around them. Pan-Africanism entails not only projecting unity abroad, but preserving African ownership of its internal institutions. Doing so requires total adherence to AUC regulations and respect for the collective authority of all 55 Member States

* Founded in Gaborone in October 1982, the Botswana Guardian (BG) is a weekly newspaper and one of Botswana’s pioneering independent media outlets. Over the past years, it has been among the early African media outlets to investigate internal problems and reported scandals within the AUC, particularly during the tenure of former AUC Chairperson Moussa Faki Mahamat. In the following article, TPA is reproducing, BG confirms again the new scandal in the Pan African organization that TPA had already exposed in length in its article:

The African Union: Old corrupt practices return as foreign agendas gain ground.

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