By Mafa Kwanisai Mafa

The France–Africa Summit taking place in Nairobi must be viewed by Africans with open eyes and historical memory. France is not coming to Africa as a charitable friend.

It is coming as a declining imperial power seeking new ground after being politically humiliated and strategically expelled from large parts of the Sahel. Countries like Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger have rejected French military domination and challenged decades of French political and economic control.

France is now looking eastward, trying to reposition itself in Kenya and other African states under the soft language of “partnership,” “investment,” and “renewed cooperation.”

African people must ask difficult questions. Why is France suddenly desperate to host a summit in Kenya, its first major Africa summit in an English-speaking African country? Why now? The answer is simple: France is searching for survival after losing influence in West Africa.

For decades, France built a system commonly known as “Françafrique,” a shadow network of military influence, political manipulation, economic dependency, and elite capture across Africa.

Even after formal independence, many African countries remained tied to Paris through unfair trade arrangements, military agreements, and the CFA franc monetary system that restricted real sovereignty.

The people of the Sahel grew tired of this arrangement. They watched their uranium, gold, oil, and other resources leave their countries while ordinary citizens remained poor. Niger supplied uranium that powered French cities, while many Nigeriens themselves lacked electricity.

French troops claimed to fight terrorism, yet insecurity continued to grow across the Sahel. Eventually, African populations concluded that France’s presence was not solving Africa’s problems but protecting French interests.

That is why anti-French sentiment exploded across West Africa. France was pushed out militarily and politically. Now, President Emmanuel Macron speaks of a “new partnership” with Africa.

But Africans have heard this language before. Colonialism itself often arrived dressed in the language of civilisation, development, and friendship.

The summit in Nairobi is being marketed as an economic and diplomatic reset. France promises billions in investments and partnerships in technology, energy, transport, and infrastructure.

But Africans must ask: investment for whose benefit? Development under whose control? Partnership between equals or dependency under new branding?

Even more worrying is the growing military cooperation being discussed between France and Kenya. Reports indicate the signing of defence cooperation agreements that include military training and intelligence sharing, while concerns have already emerged regarding legal protections for French troops operating on Kenyan soil.

Africans know from history that foreign military footprints rarely remain temporary. Military cooperation often becomes political leverage, and political leverage becomes economic domination.

Kenya must be careful not to become France’s new strategic gateway after France lost legitimacy in the Sahel. Africa should never become a chessboard where foreign powers relocate after failing elsewhere.

This is why many Africans increasingly look toward China as an alternative development partner rather than a colonial master. Unlike the old imperial powers that came to Africa with guns, conquest, and racial domination, China’s modern engagement with Africa has largely centred on infrastructure, trade, industrialisation, and development financing.

Critics in the West constantly attack China’s presence in Africa because China represents competition to Western dominance. But ordinary Africans can see tangible evidence of Chinese cooperation across the continent: roads, railways, ports, industrial parks, hospitals, schools, telecommunications, and energy projects.

In Kenya itself, the Mombasa–Nairobi Standard Gauge Railway stands as one of the clearest examples of Chinese-supported infrastructure transforming regional transport and trade.

Across Ethiopia, Nigeria, Angola, Zambia, Zimbabwe, and many other African nations, Chinese-backed infrastructure has expanded connectivity and industrial capacity.

China is not perfect, and Africans should engage every global power critically and strategically. But there is a major difference between engagement based on development and engagement rooted in centuries of colonial extraction and military domination.

Today, China offers Africa something broader than investment alone. President Xi Jinping has advanced a series of global initiatives that present an alternative vision for international relations.

The first is the Global Development Initiative (GDI). The GDI focuses on poverty reduction, infrastructure development, food security, industrialisation, digital transformation, and sustainable development.

For Africa, this matters deeply because the continent’s greatest challenge is not lack of potential but underdevelopment caused by centuries of colonial exploitation and unfair global economic structures.

Unlike Western financial institutions that often impose harsh austerity conditions, China’s development approach emphasises productive infrastructure and economic growth.

African countries need railways, factories, dams, ports, energy systems, and technology transfer — not endless lectures from former colonial powers.

The second is the Global Security Initiative (GSI). This initiative argues that security cannot be built through domination, military alliances, and foreign intervention.

Africa understands this reality very well. Libya was destroyed after NATO intervention. The Sahel became more unstable despite years of foreign military presence. Somalia has endured decades of geopolitical interference.

China’s security approach emphasises sovereignty, non-interference, dialogue, and collective security. Many Africans increasingly see this as more respectful than the interventionist traditions of Western powers.

The third is the Global Civilisation Initiative (GCI). This initiative is particularly important for Africa because colonialism was not only economic; it was cultural and psychological.

Colonial powers told Africans their cultures were inferior, their systems backward, and their knowledge primitive. Even today, Western media frequently portrays Africa through stereotypes of poverty, war, and dependency.

The GCI promotes respect for different civilisations and rejects the idea that one culture or political system should dominate the world. For Africans still fighting against the mental scars of colonialism, this message resonates strongly.

Finally, China’s newer Global Governance Initiative (GGI) seeks reforms in international institutions so that developing nations have a stronger voice in global affairs.

Africa has long demanded reforms at institutions like the United Nations Security Council, the World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund.

The current global order was largely designed by Western powers after World War II, often excluding Africa from meaningful decision-making.

China’s support for multipolarity gives African countries more room to manoeuvre instead of remaining trapped under Western dominance. This is why the France–Africa Summit should not be viewed as a harmless diplomatic gathering.

It is part of a larger geopolitical struggle over Africa’s future. France understands that Africa is rising. Africa has strategic minerals, a young population, expanding markets, and geopolitical importance. France fears losing relevance in a continent it once treated as its backyard.

Africans must therefore reject any attempt to revive neo-colonial control under polished diplomatic language. Africa does not need another foreign patron. Africa needs genuine partnerships based on sovereignty, equality, mutual respect, and development.

The lessons from the Sahel are important. Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger demonstrated that African nations can challenge old imperial structures. Whether one agrees with all their political choices or not, their rejection of foreign domination reflects a wider continental mood: Africans are tired of external control disguised as cooperation.

Kenya and other African states attending the summit should proceed cautiously. They must not allow themselves to become instruments for the rebranding of French influence on the continent.

The future of Africa must be determined in Africa, not in Paris, London, Washington, or Brussels. If Africa is to truly liberate itself economically and politically, it must embrace partnerships that strengthen sovereignty rather than weaken it. It must pursue South-South cooperation, continental unity, industrialisation, and development rooted in African interests.

The era when Europe dictated Africa’s destiny is ending. The rise of China and other multipolar forces has given Africa alternatives. The task now is for African leaders to use those alternatives wisely and refuse to reopen the gates of neo-colonialism under a new name.